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In part this meant a rm and sustained campaign against the bribery and corruption that had increasingly disgured the later Brezhnev years. The late General Secretarys family and friends were among the rst to feel the effects of the new policy.

In December , just a month after Andropovs accession, Interior Minister Nikolai Shchelokov was dismissed from his position55 a close associate of Brezhnevs from Dnepropetrovsk days, he had enjoyed considerable opportunities for enrichment as head of Soviet law enforcement, acquiring a eet of foreign cars, a photographer, a cook and a masseuse, as well as rare books from public library collections. Medunov, were dismissed from the Central Committee for mistakes in their work. His daughter Galina and her husband Churbanov were banished to Murmansk; Churbanov lost his post as rst deputy interior minister in December and then his position on the Central Committee,60 and in December he was given twelve years imprisonment for massive bribe-taking and stripped of his state honours.

More important, perhaps, was the concern of both Andropov and his successor that corruption, if allowed to go unchecked, might reduce the effectiveness of party control and ultimately compromise the regime itself, as had clearly happened in Poland in the late s and early s.

The other side of the post-Brezhnev leaderships campaign of social discipline, which also continued under Chernenko, was an attempt to strengthen discipline in the workplace and law and order in the wider society. One of the rst clear signs of this new direction in ofcial policy was the series of raids that the police began to make in early on shops, public baths and even underground stations in order to nd out which of those present had taken time off their work without permission.

There was certainly some room for improvement. An ofcial report in late found that of every workers surveyed, an average of 30 were absent for personal reasons at any given moment, in most cases to go shopping or visit the doctor.

Another investigation in Moscow enterprises found that in some cases no more than 10 per cent of the workforce were still at their places during the last hour of the shift. There was an open attack, for instance, upon alien and decadent trends in the arts, particularly at the Central Committee meeting in June that was devoted to this subject, and there were sharply worded attacks upon the Soviet lm industry which had begun to explore some contemporary social issues and the independent-minded literary journal Novyi mir.

The writer Georgii Vladimov, author of Faithful Ruslan, a novel about a guard-dog at a prison camp, was obliged to emigrate in early and stripped of his Soviet citizenship, and the historian Roy Medvedev, untouched for many years, was called to the Procurator Generals ofce and warned that if he did not give up his anti-Soviet activities he would face criminal proceedings.

Dissidents and oppositionists, certainly, were harshly treated, but for those who were content to advance their objectives within the system, there was a greater emphasis than before on consultation and accountability.

For the rst time in modern Soviet history, for instance, reports began to appear in Pravda of the subjects that had been discussed at the weekly meetings of the Politburo. Andropov made a symbolic gesture of some importance by visiting the Ordzhonikidze machine tool factory at the end of January for an extended and frankly worded exchange with its workforce; Chernenko made a less remarkable visit to the Hammer and Sickle metallurgical plant in April In public life more generally, there was a greater emphasis upon openness and publicity, or what soon became widely known as glasnost.

One indication of this rather different approach was the decision, at the June Central Committee plenum, to establish a national public opinion centre;80 another was the revival of the Khrushchevian practice of publishing the full proceedings of Central Committee meetings, at least in this instance.

The harsher penalties that were imposed upon bribery and corruption were reported to have been prompted by communications of this kind, and the strengthening of law and order was similarly presented as a response to pressure from citizens in Gorky, who had complained that they were afraid to walk the city streets at night. Its sober and realistic tone marked off the postBrezhnev era from the optimism of Khrushchev, and equally from Brezhnevs somewhat complacent notion of developed socialism; it was, in effect, the rst public criticism by a ruling leader of the partys general line.

The Soviet Union, he emphasised, was only at the beginning of the long historical stage of developed socialism; there should be no exaggeration of their closeness to the ultimate goal of full communism, and an honest acknowledgement of the difculties that still awaited. It was vital, Andropov had already insisted, to take proper account of the situation that actually existed, and to avoid ready-made solutions. Addressing the commission in April , he reminded the participants that developed socialism would be an historically protracted period and urged them to concentrate their attention on the complicated tasks that still remained rather than what Lenin had called.

Still more provocatively, it was suggested that Soviet-type societies contained contradictions based on the different interests of the various groups of which they were composed, and that these could lead to serious collisions of the kind that had occurred in Poland in the early s unless farreaching democratic reforms were instituted. The Gorbachev leadership The advent of a new General Secretary had normally meant a signicant change in the direction of Soviet public policy, although any change took some time to establish itself as the new leader gradually marginalised his opponents and co-opted his supporters onto the Politburo and Secretariat.

At the outset of his administration, Gorbachevs objectives, and indeed his personal background, were still fairly obscure even at leading levels of the party. Unlike his two main rivals, Grigorii Romanov and Viktor Grishin, he had never addressed a party congress; he had no published collection of writings to his name; and he had made only a couple of ofcial visits abroad, to Canada in and the United Kingdom in late , on both occasions as the head of a delegation of Soviet parliamentarians.

Andrei Gromyko, proposing his candidacy to the Central Committee, explained what had convinced him personally that Gorbachev would be a suitable General Secretary: Gorbachev, he told them, had chaired meetings of the Politburo in Chernenkos absence, and had done so brilliantly, without any exaggeration. One of those elements was Gorbachevs own background, particularly his education and age-group, which placed him among the reform-minded ers who had been inspired by 20th Party Congress in and by the process of de-Stalinisation that followed it rather than the Brezhnev generation, whose formative experience had been their military service during the Second World War and who had in turn been led to believe that the Soviet system rested on popular support and that it was capable of supreme achievement.

He graduated in , the rst Soviet leader since Lenin to receive a legal training and the rst to graduate from the countrys premier university, although it was an institution in which the Stalinist Short Course still held pride of place and in which the slightest deviation from the ofcial line.

In he became rst secretary of the city party committee, in he was appointed to head the territorial party organisation and the following year he joined the Central Committee as a full member. In Gorbachev replaced his mentor Fedor Kulakov in the Central Committee Secretariat, taking responsibility for agriculture.

In , in addition, he became a candidate and then in a full member of the ruling Politburo; this made him, in his late forties, one of the very few super Secretaries who were represented on both of the partys leading bodies and who formed the most obvious pool of candidates for the succession. Born in the town of Rubtsovsk in Siberia in , Raisa Maksimovna was the eldest daughter of a Ukrainian railway engineer. Her family, like Gorbachevs, had suffered during the Stalin years: Gorbachevs grandfather had been released after torture had failed to extract a confession; Raisas own father had been arrested, and her grandfather had been shot for counter-revolutionary agitation it was not until that the family received a formal certicate of rehabilitation.

In the s she. Mrs Gorbachev, however, swiftly assumed a prominent position in domestic and international affairs, acting as a Soviet First Lady when the General Secretary travelled abroad on ofcial occasions. Her views, equally, had a strong inuence upon him: they discussed everything at home in the evenings, Gorbachev told an NBC interviewer in late in remarks that were censored for Soviet domestic consumption; others, including his bodyguard, thought he was even subordinate to her.

His main weakness, Gorbachev believed, was that he had too many interests. He had enrolled in the law faculty at university, but had originally intended to study physics. He liked mathematics, but also history and literature. In later years he had turned more and more to the study of economics, while remaining interested in philosophy this was not, to put it mildly, the intellectual background of his immediate predecessor.

Did Mikhail Sergeevich, for instance, like shing? And why did glasnost not apply to the person who had invented it? He earned 1, roubles a month, he explained, the same as other members of the Politburo. He had additional earnings from royalties and other sources his book Perestroika alone had appeared in more than a hundred countries , but he had donated any earnings of this kind to the party budget and charitable causes.

Literature, theatre, music and cinema remained his hobbies, although he had less and less time to devote to them. Perhaps the clearest indication of this kind was a speech he delivered to an all-union conference on ideology in December The speech contained positive references to self-management, which Lenin had never counterposed to Soviet state power, and drew attention to the various interests of different social groups and to the need for a greater measure of social justice which had become a coded form of attack on the Brezhnev legacy.

There was enormous scope, Gorbachev went on, for the further development of the Soviet political system, and of socialist democracy. This was partly a matter of developing all aspects of the work of the elected soviets, and of involving workers more fully in the affairs of their own workplace. It was also a matter of securing a. As well as tributes to Chernenko, there were clear and positive allusions to Andropov in his remarks about the two previous years and the need to avoid ready-made solutions.

There had been signicant achievements in all spheres of Soviet life, Gorbachev told the plenum. The USSR had a powerful, developed economy, a highly skilled workforce and an advanced scientic base.

Everyone had the right to work, to social security, to cultural resources of all kinds and to participation in the administration of state affairs. But further changes were needed in order to achieve a qualitatively new state of society, including modernisation of the economy and the extension of popular self-government. The key issue was the acceleration of economic growth. This was quite feasible if the human factor was called more fully into play, and if the reserves that existed throughout the economy were properly utilised.

This in turn required a greater degree of decentralisation of economic management, including cost accounting at enterprise level and a closer connection between the work people did and the rewards that they received. The formation of a new leadership was the easier of these tasks and the one that advanced more rapidly.

The April Central Committee plenum itself made a start with the appointment of Yegor Ligachev and Nikolai Ryzhkov, both Andropov appointees, to full membership of the Politburo without passing through the customary candidate or non-voting stage. There had been no promotions of this kind for at least twenty years, and it was an early demonstration of Gorbachevs control over the vital power of appointment. One of them was Alexander Yakovlev, a close Gorbachev associate who had previously served as ambassador to Canada and as director of one of the institutes of the Academy of Sciences, another was Alexandra Biryukova, a former Secretary of the All-Union Council of Trade Unions and the rst woman member of the leadership since the early s.

Remarkably, nearly half the members of this newly elected Politburo and Secretariat were people who had not served in either body before Gorbachevs election to the general secretaryship the previous year. The Central Committee plenum that took place in January brought Alexander Yakovlev into the Politburo as a candidate member, and Anatolii Lukyanov, a leading jurist and head of the general department in the Central Committee apparatus, and the Belarusian party leader, Nikolai Slyunkov, became Central Committee secretaries Lukyanov, it later emerged, had been a member of the Komsomol committee at the same time as Gorbachev when both of them were at Moscow University in the early s Two Brezhnev appointees, Dinmukhamed Kunaev and Mikhail Zimyanin, left the Politburo and Secretariat respectively at the same time; Kunaev, whose resignation was ostensibly in connection with his retirement on a pension, was expelled from the Central Committee itself the following June for serious shortcomings in his tenure of the Kazakh rst secretaryship.

All the fourteen republican rst secretaries had been replaced by , some more than once, and there was an equally far-reaching turnover in the Central Committee, an overwhelming 84 per cent of whom when elected in had never previously held party ofce of any kind. It did, however, reect the new General Secretarys belief that. The newspaper Sovetskaya Rossiya reported the case of Mr Polyakov of Kaluga, a well-read man who followed the press closely and never missed the evening television news.

He knew a lot about what was happening in various African countries, Polyakov complained, but had only a very rough idea what was happening in his home town. At about the same time, there had been an earthquake in Mexico and a volcanic eruption in Colombia, both covered in full with onthe-spot reports and details of the casualties.

Was Tajikistan really further from Moscow than Latin America? The Brezhnev era was one of the earliest targets. It had been a time, Gorbachev told the 27th Party Congress in , when a curious psychology how to change things without really changing anything had been dominant. But the promise of these achievements had been dissipated by a failure to carry the reforms through to their logical conclusion, or to make the changes that had become necessary in social policy and in the leadership itself; the result had been a period of stagnation, with the economy slipping into crisis and party and government leaders lagging increasingly behind the needs of the time.

Gorbachev, to begin with, was reluctant even to concede there was even a question. Stalinism, he told the French press in , was a notion made up by enemies of communism which was widely used to discredit the Soviet Union and socialism as a whole; Stalin himself, he insisted elsewhere, had made an indisputable contribution to the struggle for socialism [and] to the defence of its achievements.

The most important gure to be restored to public respectability in this way was the former Pravda editor Nikolai Bukharin, whose sentence was posthumously quashed in February his expulsions from the party and the Academy of Sciences were also rescinded.

The victims, as many as 40,, had been shot between and ; this, and the other graves that were still being discovered in the early s, was an indictment of Stalinism more powerful than anything the historians could hope to muster. There was new information about infant mortality and life expectancy, the gures for which had been suppressed since the early s, and there was information on abortions and suicides, which had not been reported since the s. Many events of the past, such as the devastating earthquake in Ashkhabad in and the nuclear accident in the Urals in , were belatedly acknowledged.

The rst meaningful gures for defence spending and foreign debt were revealed to the newly elected Congress of Peoples Deputies when it met in ; gures for capital punishment followed in Virtually all the books by banned writers had been published by the same date, including Pasternaks Doctor Zhivago, Zamyatins futuristic We and Grossmans Life and Fate all in ; Solzhenitsyns Gulag Archipelago and Nabokovs Lolita both appeared in so did Orwells , and by Hitlers Mein Kampf was being serialised in the leading journal of military history.

Libraries opened up their closed stacks; museums brought out their Chagalls and Kandinskys; archives introduced a thirty-year rule, in line with international practice. The new press law, adopted in June , went even further by abolishing censorship entirely. The Soviet Union, he told the 19th Party Conference in the summer of , had pioneered the idea of workers control and the right to work, and equality for women and national minorities. The role of party and state ofcialdom had increased out of all proportion, and a bloated administrative apparatus had begun to impose its own priorities in political and economic matters.

Nearly a third of the adult population were regularly elected to the soviets, or to the commissions that advised them, but few had any real inuence over the decisions that were taken by their executives. Social life as a whole had become straitjacketed by controls of various kinds, and ordinary working people had become alienated from the system that was supposed to represent their interests.

It was this ossied system of government, with its commandand-pressure mechanism, that had become the main obstacle to perestroika. An entirely new election law, approved in December , broke new ground by providing for though not specically requiring a choice of candidate, and giving ordinary citizens the right to make nominations see Chapter 2. A reform of the political system would not be enough, however, unless it was accompanied by a strengthening of the rule of law; this led to a series of related changes, including a constitutional supervision committee that had the right to consider the legality of government decisions, and reforms in court procedures that strengthened the independence of judges.

Ultimately, it was hoped, these and other reforms would help to establish a law-based state, rst mentioned in and the subject of a resolution at the Party Conference in the summer of that year. Leading ofcials, it was agreed, should be elected by competitive ballot for a maximum of two consecutive terms; members of the Central Committee should be involved much more directly in the formulation of party policy; and there should be much more information about its activities, from income and expenditure members complained they knew more about the nancial affairs of the American presidency and the British royal family to the composition of its mass membership including such details as the presence of Eskimos, 7 Englishmen, 3 Americans, 2 negroes and one Bolivian.

Khrushchev had promised that the USSR would construct a communist society in the main by in the party programme that had been adopted under his leadership in His successors dropped that commitment and began to describe the USSR, from the early s, as a developed socialist society, whose evolution into a fully communist society was a matter for the distant future. Gorbachev, for his part, avoided the term developed socialism and opted initially for developing socialism, in effect a postponement into the still more distant future of the attainment of a fully communist society.

Gorbachev resisted calls to set out the way ahead in any detail: did they really want a new Short Course, he asked the Party Congress in , referring to the discredited Marxist primer that had been produced under Stalins auspices in ?

And what was the point of programmes like railway timetables, with objectives that had to be achieved by certain dates: wasnt an authentic socialism the achievement of working people themselves, not something they were directed towards by others? These included a resolute overcoming of the processes of stagnation as well as a greater reliance on the creative endeavour of the masses, including socialist self-management.

There would be a greater emphasis on intensive factors of growth, including what Gorbachev described as socialist entrepreneurship; there would also be a constant concern for the spiritual wealth and culture of every person and of society as a whole, and the elimination of any deviation from socialist morality. The ultimate aim, as Gorbachev explained it, was to achieve the fullest disclosure of the humanistic character of our social order in all its decisive aspects.

It was one of Gorbachevs central assumptions that it had been subjective factors, and in particular the quality of its leadership, that had led to the degeneration of Soviet socialism over the whole postrevolutionary period. What was the reason for their difculties, he asked the Central Committee in April ?

Natural and external factors were certainly important; but the main reason was that the necessary changes had not taken place in the management of a changing society. The August coup and the end of party rule The attempted coup of August , which led directly to the end of communist rule, was itself a demonstration of the limits of a leadership style that placed its main emphasis on personal rather than institutional factors.

Many of the conspirators had been Gorbachevs own appointees, even friends, and he was affected more profoundly by this than by any other aspect of the short-lived emergency the whole family had been particularly close to Gorbachevs head of staff, Valerii Boldin, and had told him everything, even the most personal things.

Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, tendering his resignation in December , had told the Soviet parliament that a dictatorship was approaching, although no one yet knew what form it would take. Speaking a few days later, just before the. In , he spent the time writing his bestselling Perestroika.

On 18 August , he was working on the text of a speech when four emissaries arrived unexpectedly from Moscow. All his telephones had been disconnected, so this was clearly no courtesy visit. Gorbachev refused either to resign or to sign a decree instituting a state of emergency and was thereupon placed under house arrest and isolated from the outside world.

The Emergency Committee, it later emerged, had eight members. The Vice-President, they explained, had assumed power on the basis of Article of the Soviet Constitution, which allowed him to do so if the President was for whatever reason unable to carry out his responsibilities; Gorbachev, they added, was very tired, but it was hoped that once he had recovered he would return to his ofcial duties.

The Committees message was not simply a coercive one; it also promised to cut prices and increase wages, and to place food supplies under strict control with priority being given to schools, hospitals, pensioners and the disabled. The Soviet people, it explained, were in mortal danger. Perestroika had reached an impasse. The country had become ungovernable, and extremist forces were seeking to break up the Soviet state and seize power for themselves.

Meanwhile the economy was in crisis, with the breakdown of central planning, a chaotic, ungoverned slide towards a market and famine a real possibility; and crime and immorality were rampant. The Committee, it promised, would reverse these trends, strengthen public order, arrest the fall in living standards and restore the Soviet Unions international standing; it appealed, in turn, for the support of all true patriots and people of goodwill, but made no reference of any kind to socialism.

The coup, it soon became clear, had been poorly planned two of its principal members, Yanaev and Pavlov, were drunk for most of its duration and it was opposed from the outset by Boris Yeltsin, who had been elected Russian president two months earlier and who made a dramatic call for resistance on 19 August, standing on one of the tanks outside the Russian parliament building.

Yeltsin denounced the Committees action as a right-wing, reactionary, unconstitutional coup and declared all its decisions illegal. Gorbachev, he insisted, must be restored immediately to his position, and he called for an indenite strike until the Soviet parliament had met and constitutional propriety had been restored.

The critical moment was the evening of 20 August when about 70, Muscovites deed the curfew and assembled in front of the White House as the parliamentary building was known to defend it against an expected attack by pro-coup forces. That night, three men were killed one shot and two crushed by tanks but the attack on the parliament itself did not materialise.

The Russian parliament met in emergency session and gave Yeltsin their unqualied support; media restrictions were lifted, and the Ministry of Defence ordered troops to return to their barracks. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR declared the action of the Emergency Committee illegal, and the Procurator Generals ofce announced that criminal proceedings for high treason had been instigated against its members.

One of the coup leaders, Boris Pugo, committed suicide; several others went to the Crimea to seek Gorbachevs forgiveness the Russian parliament sent its own representatives to bring the Soviet President back safely ; and others still, such as Foreign Minister Alexander Bessmertnykh, tried to explain why they had in his case suffered a sudden cold while the emergency was in force he was dismissed two days later.

The most ambiguous gure of all was the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, Anatolii Lukyanov, who had refused to denounce the coup at the time and was accused of being its chief ideologist by the end of the month he was one of the fourteen people involved in the coup who had been arrested and charged with high treason.

He thanked Yeltsin as well as the Russian parliament for securing his release, and then described the difcult circumstances under which he had been held.

He had refused to accept the conditions his captors had tried to dictate to him or the food they had provided, but had rigged up a makeshift radio on which he had been able to listen to Western radio broadcasts; he had even recorded four copies of a video message to the Soviet people explaining the real nature of the emergency.

There was some surprise that the Soviet leader continued to defend the Communist Party,. Seeking to block the signature of a new union treaty that would have established a loose confederation, the conspirators in the event accelerated the collapse of the state they had sought to preserve. Lithuania had already declared its independence, in the spring of ; the other Baltic republics followed immediately; and by the end of all of the republics apart from Russia had adopted declarations of a similar kind.

Ukraines decision, backed by the support of over 90 per cent of its voting population in a referendum on 1 December, appears to have convinced Yeltsin that there was no future in a reconstituted USSR of which the second largest republic was not a member, and on 8 December he met the Ukrainian President and the Belorussian parliamentary chairman at a country house near Minsk and concluded an agreement establishing a Commonwealth of Independent States. The new Commonwealth was not a state, it had no common parliament and in particular it had no presidency; but with its establishment, according to the agreement, the USSR as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality had ceased its existence.

As Pravda pointed out, the exchange rate had slid from 0. Further reading The origins of the collapse of the USSR, what had collapsed and whether any of it had been inevitable are still vigorously debated inside Russia as well as outside it. Cohen , more fully in his book provides a spirited revisionist account; Shlapentokh , at greater length in his book also cautions against determinism, at least in the short term; Strayer includes a range of views in a student-friendly collection of.

On Gorbachev himself the fundamental study is Brown , supplemented by Brown ; see also Sakwa , Dunlop and White , which expands on the material presented in this chapter. Gorbachevs own Perestroika, in effect a mission statement for his leadership as a whole, appeared in ; an abbreviated translation of his Memoirs appeared in Cohen, Stephen F.

Memoirs, trans. Sharpe, Strayer, Robert W. The new Russian Federation, under the Constitution it adopted in December , was to be a democratic federal law-based state with a republican form of government.

What kind of form of government this might be took some time to establish, but from the outset it was a state in which the right to rule was based on regular elections to a new parliament, whose lower house was called the State Duma. Parties, however, remained very weak, elections were increasingly controlled by the authorities themselves, and under Vladimir Putin, from onwards, the Kremlin itself became the dominant player, acting through a party of power that it had itself established and subordinating the country as a whole to a top-down executive vertical.

Law-making authority, formally speaking, was still in the hands of the State Duma, but the Kremlin controlled the party that held two-thirds of its seats, and the more political power was centralised, the more the parliament became a marginal participant in the policy process. Voting was still quite new in early postcommunist Russia.

Under the Soviet system there had been elections at regular intervals but no opportunity to select, not just among candidates and parties but in practice whether to vote at all. In a variation on Brechts suggestion that the government elect a new people, it was the leadership that determined the composition of each new parliament and the constituencies in which they would themselves be nominated.

Voters had only to drop the ballot paper, unmarked and possibly unread, into the box; if they wished to vote against they had to go to the screened-off booth at the side of the polling station, where everyone could guess their intentions.

Tensions were always likely to develop between a parliament and a president that could both claim a mandate from the electorate; they were still more likely between a parliament that was overwhelmingly Communist at the time of its election and a president who had resigned from the CPSU, banned it after the August coup, and then dissolved the state it had created.

Those tensions, in the end, were resolved by another coup when President Yeltsin, emboldened by the results of a referendum in April at which the policies of his government had been given majority support, dissolved the parliament the following September and then ordered the army to shell the parliament building in early October when a popular demonstration broke through the blockade and encouraged the parliamentary leaders to seek control of the state itself.

According to ofcial sources, lost their lives in the bloodiest street ghting since the October revolution a confrontation that for Yeltsins rst deputy premier, Yegor Gaidar, had been nothing less than a short civil war.

But he had made up his mind some time before this that the country could no. The new constitution, ratied in December , abolished the Congress of Peoples Deputies and established a two-chamber Federal Assembly in its place. The upper house, the Council of the Federation, was a Senate that represented Russias eighty-nine republics and regions, and drew two of its members from each of them.

The lower house, the State Duma, was a House of Representatives, half of whose members were drawn from individual constituencies with the result determined by simple majority, the other half from a nationwide competition among parties and electoral alliances with the seats distributed proportionally among all that reached a 5 per cent threshold the single-district members disappeared and there were other changes from onwards.

The president, under the relevant legislation, had no authority to call a referendum, and what took place on 12 December was accordingly a national vote of doubtful constitutionality in which Early on he's joined by Plato, his friend from Atlantis in the same situa. He shapeshifts into Bree, Perry then turns into a sheep. A troubled young woman finds out about a secret lab that is doing research into reincarnation. Other poems followed, and two years after starting to write again, she won the Cheltenham Festival poetry competition.

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